Globalization & The Sovereign State System
By Jessica Guerrero
Globalization generates the feeling
that all beings are connected; the world is ‘flat.’ The existential phrase ‘no
man is an island’ reoccurred as a theme for this week’s readings and through
the course of the semester. Throughout history, trade has shifted from regional
to continental, to overseas, from mercantilism to capitalism, from the gold
standard to floating exchange rates all accounting for the creative measures
man has taken to create an integrated world system that shares goods, ideas,
and information. Central to the progression of trade has always been the issue
of sovereignty. The ‘rules’ by which the players interact shifts to always
protect the state in the midst of market transactions. This holds true for why
institutions arose to protect contracts and intellectual property rights; while
these institution benefited the individual, the state sees the benefit in trade
as its own potential for stability and prosperity and possible expansion. The
focus of this paper is to fortify Jackson’s argument: the sovereign state
system will not be contested in the expansion of globalization. Although
technology, terrorism, and growing discontent of the modern state structure
among the ‘bottom billion’ all pose threats to the state, the sovereign state
system is resilient.
Technology
has an interesting relationship with state authority. On the one hand, it has
the capacity to enhance democracy and strengthen markets. On the other hand,
the digital realm of the Internet is not tangible; therefore, no universal
jurisdiction exists over access to information and censorship (Sassen Ch.7).
Information is free to migrate, transactions occur in seconds, and issues
become less localized. These advancements allow the common man access to
‘virtual mobility,’ information on almost anything, cross-border communication,
and market expansion of goods and services as never before, which account to
the ordinary person having more ‘power.’ This digital age is revolutionary for
government structures as well because it makes keeping track of residents’
information easier, facilitates the spread of information, and makes forms and
other legal procedures more accessible to the public. In this light,
decentralization of the state works smoothly and efficiently. The problem is,
with so much ‘power’ available to the common man, the public becomes more
independent of the state, including with its attitudes towards politics and
economics. Information hacked or unfiltered poses a threat to national
security, as was the case with the WikiLeak scandal in 2010. Still, as the
state invests in firewall technology this problem of intangibility becomes more
secure (Sassen Ch. 7). Another thing to consider is that even with all the
global interaction through the internet the state determines how much power is
allocated to the public because most electronic networks are privately owned
and inaccessible to non-members (Sassen Ch. 7). This is most evident in China’s
company, Tencent- the world’s third largest Internet company. Therefore, while
it appears that anarchy is scaled down to the individual level through the
access of Internet, the state remains sovereign by dictating regional rules to
access. After all, not everybody becomes a hacker and obtains restricted
domestic information or cross-border information, and those exceptions are few.
For
Jackson the sovereign state system has been and always will be resilient
towards terrorism. Originally coined during the French Revolution, terrorism is
the act of targeting the state system through its subjects and citizens through
unlawful violence to address clashing ideologies, be they religious or not
(Jackson 2007). Although these acts play a role in weakening the moral of the
people and cause damage to infrastructure, the power of the state to retaliate
is unprecedented and unchallenged. However, fighting asymmetric warfare can put
the state at a disadvantage, like US involvement in Iraq. Fighting a ghost
enemy that hides and scatters its forces can be difficult to finance, and the
politics behind the ethics of war of this nature can produce disunity in the
homeland and further weaken the cause. Therefore, the state appears to be
unequipped with efficient methods for fighting guerilla like warfare. Despite
the disadvantages of engaging in war with terrorists, the sovereign state
system persists. Although it can be a lengthy, costly endeavor, the state still
has access to better technology on a grader scale, more foot soldiers, and more
military experience. Terrorists’ “actual capacity to threaten and harm citizens
is small if not miniscule…” compared to the threat the state can pose to
retaliate against those terrorists, to other states, and to its own people,
“…when government falls into the hands of tyrants and despots” (Jackson 2007).
While terrorist seek to take political matters into their own hands, the
sovereign state system, acknowledged for its legitimacy, will always have more
capacity to respond and address opposing political systems than any reign of
terror could.
Globalization
has allowed for non-state actors to ‘fill in the gaps’ where the state fails.
This is why international aid groups, humanitarian groups, religious groups,
environmental groups, volunteers, doctors and teachers without borders all work
to provide relief and assistance and to advocate for conditions around the
globe that the state cannot seem to protect or care-for, particularly in the
developing world (Jackson 2007). At the peak of what appears to be a ‘global
associational revolution’ is it possible that the state is no longer the best
module? Jackson would say no, because globalization has always existed. While
it is true that non-state actors and volunteers link people to basic resources,
the private sector of society and transnational groups are but an extension and
servant of the state system, not an authority above them. They work to better
the conditions within the state system, and it is the state system that
provides the resources to make these missions possible. Though not in all
cases, a political agenda usually drives the support and funding of certain
groups, such as the notion of democratization. The state may have its flaws,
but global stewardship on behalf of individuals and groups do not pose a threat
to the stability of the state sovereign system.
Globalization
has given much more attention to the individual. Through technology, the masses
have access to information and communication as never before, terrorism
demonstrates the capacity of people taking political matters into their own
hands, and international support groups strengthens this idea of being a
‘global citizen’ that helps one another. This integrated world would suggest
that the state might no longer be the ideal form of government. Yet, the state
proves resilient. While technology and terrorism pose a threat to security, the
sovereign state has the capacity to address these threats. While global aid
groups address the lack of access to resources, they do so in service of
strengthening the state. The state is not perfect, but “any other qualified
form of state authority short of independence is illegitimate” and lacks the
capacity to do more than address an immediate goal (Jackson 2007). The Internet
may give people new freedoms, but this is only one realm of what constitutes
reality. A terrorist group may “liberate” people to combat an ideology, but the
state system will still be necessary to rule the masses. Globalization,
therefore, evolves the state, not debilitates it.
You and Andrew seem to make the same point in which you both discuss how globalization is tied to evolution. I agree that globalization doesn't "debilitate" states but would you say that some states do in fact lose resilience as a result of not accepting globalization? For example, Andrew discusses "survival of the fittest" and that those states which refuse to adapt, end up falling behind. Do you think that maybe this would be considered a consequence of globalization?
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